徐文立：敦促中共政府在大陆实行政治改革的路线图和时间表

敦促中共政府在大陆实行政治改革的路线图和时间表

   （徐文立起草）

   （2006年5月15日公布）

   我们高度赞赏、评价和理解中国政治反对派各方人士为在中国大陆实行政治改革或改变所提出来的各项政治主张和政治方案。

   我们现在所提出的《敦促中共政府在大陆实行政治改革的路线图和时间表》只是以上各项政治主张和政治方案的一个部分，欢迎各位同仁提出批评和补充的意见。

   为了一个重大的政治进程得以实现，提出实现这个政治进程的路线图和时间表，是当今世界政治领域中成功的方式之一。

   当今世界，恐怕再没有比有13亿人口的中国大陆实现政治改革或改变，更加迫切和重大的政治课题了。

   中国大陆不实行政治改革，中国民众就不可能保持住经济改革所带给他们的种种权益，或消解经济改革所带给他们的损伤；更不可能使得中国走向公平、均富、稳定、繁荣的未来；也无法消除世界各国对于中国大陆的前景所存有的疑虑。

   何况，1939年2月25日的《新华日报》就代表中共中央指出：“他们（国民党）以为中国实现民主政治，不是今天的事，而是若干年以后的事，他们希望中国人民知识与教育程度提高到欧美资产阶级民主国家那样，再来实现民主政治。其实在民主制度之下才更容易教育和训练民众。”

   何况，1944年2月1日《新华日报》就代表中共中央指出：“为了国际的地位，必须从保障基本的民主权利开步走。恐惧是懦夫，疑虑是自私，反对便是倒行。我们再度呼吁：保障人民的基本民主权利。”

   何况，1941年10月28日《解放日报》就代表中共中央指出：“目前推行民主政治，主要关键在于结束一党治国。”

   何况，1944年4月19日《新华日报》就代表中共中央指出：“民主和言论自由，实在是分不开的。”

   何况，1944年2月2日《新华日报》就代表中共中央指出：“要彻底地、充分地、有效地实行普选制，使人民能在实际上，享有‘普遍’、‘平等’的选举权、被选举权，则必须如中山先生所说，在选举以前，‘保障各地方团体及人民有选举之自由，有提出议案及宣传、讨论之自由。’也就是‘确定人民有集会、结社、言论、出版的完全自由权。’否则，所谓选举权，仍不过是纸上的权利罢了。”

   因此，在中共已在中国大陆执政57年、实行经济改革也已28年、经济有所发展、社会矛盾却更加尖锐的今天，立即敦促中共政府实行政治改革或改变是再自然不过的事了。

   为此我们提议：

   1． 中国大陆应从2007年起，经过五年渐进的政治改革或改变，至2011年即亚洲第一共和国——“中华民国”成立100周年的时候，初步完成政治改革或改变的预订目标。

   2． 建议中国共产党的第17次代表大会学习中国国民党和越南共产党，差额选举党主席或总书记，首先在中共党内实现民主化。

   3． 在必要的准备之后，从2007年6月1日起，中共政府经人大常委会授权逐步释放全部因政治、思想、言论、宗教、民族诸问题而被囚禁的各类政治犯和良心犯。允许所有流亡海外的政治反对派人士回到自己的祖国。

   4． 当中共政府确实按第二条款实施了释放全部政治犯和良心犯、允许所有流亡海外的政治反对派人士回到自己的祖国的情况下，中国海内外政治反对派人士亦在2008年中国大陆举办奥运会期间，暂停一切行动上的政治反对活动作为善意的回应。

   5． 经过2008年起的一年多的酝酿和准备，于2009年秋天在北京召开中国共产党和政治反对派人士共同参加的“国是大会”；进而于2010年召开“国是大会”授权的“制宪会议”。

   海内外政治反对派人士和中国共产党双方应立即着手各组织和成立一个约20人的联络小组，各含一个研究操作方案的机构，从2007年起至2009年秋天在北京召开共同参加的“国是大会”之前的一年内，至少举行二次坦诚和善意的会谈，最好由联合国有关机构专人召集、调解及监督，一次在海外，一次在中国大陆，为大会议题、议程和可行性做充分的准备。可以先从政治反对派人士回国事宜谈起。 

   “国是大会”政治反对派与会的人士总数应不少于100位。这100位代表人士由政治反对派各方政治力量协商产生。

   “国是大会”中国共产党和接受中国共产党领导的政党的与会代表总数应不多于100位。

   6． 未来“制宪会议”的参与者，应事先向国人公开做出日后永不谋求任何“公权力”的宣示。

   7． 与此同时，中共政府应和台湾政府及其朝野多党、西藏以达赖喇嘛为首的流亡政府、法轮功人士、新疆和内蒙古寻求独立的人士、六四受难者群体进行公开、和平的富有成效的对话，并吸纳他们的代表人物参与2009年的“国是大会”。

   8． 不迟于2009年初，在完成《新闻出版法》的立法过程之后，中国大陆实现新闻自由。

   9． 在2009年，选择一两个省（如：福建、广东或海南），作为政治改革先行省，允许先期实行有关言论自由和结社自由的立法；并不迟于2010年实现县、市级的直接选举；在积累经验的基础上，在2011年实现省级的直接选举。应在2008年实现香港特区的“特首”的直选。

   10． 在中国大陆实行政治改革，至少应达到以下几点目标：

   （1）任何政治组织不论是中国共产党，还是其他的政党组织，今后不得在政府部门和各地方政权组织、及国家的武装力量内建立党的组织机构或政治组织机构。中国共产党和其他政党组织在国家《政党组织法》的基础上，享有平等的权利和进行公平竞争的权利。任何政党组织不享有任何政治特权。

   （2）真正由全国民众选举产生的国会，才是国家的最高权力机构；国家元首由全国民众间接或直接选举产生。国家的政治体制由“国是大会”授权的“制宪会议”提交方案之后，由全民公决确定。非此类重大政治事宜，不轻启全民公决的民主程序。

   （3）国家的武装力量国家化和中立化，由民选的国家元首指挥。除国家元首外，武装力量的任何军事人员不得干涉国家的政治事务，否则将予以最严厉的军法惩处。

   （4）国家继续实行开放的市场经济。

   （5）国家不谋求地区霸权和世界霸权，让中国成为世界大家庭中有影响的负责任的一员。

   ________________________________________________________________

   Proposed Direction and Timeline to the Chinese Government for the Implementation of Political Reform in the People’s Republic of China

   (Preliminary Proposal)

   Xu Wenli

   (May 15 2006)

   We recognize and applaud the efforts taken by the various Chinese political opposition factions in lobbying for political change or reform in the People’s Republic of China and in suggesting the various political propositions and proposals presented thus far. 

   Our suggestion of a “Proposal of Direction and Timeline for Political Reform in China” is but one of the many political initiatives that have been proposed and I warmly welcome any form of criticism, recommendations or additional input on this issue. 

   One of the most successful measures undertaken in today’s international political arena to achieve political progress is through the formulation of timelines and blueprints.

   In the world of today, there is probably no issue more serious and more pressing than the topic of political reform and change in a China that houses 1.3 billion of the world’s population. 

   As long as political reform is not implemented in China, the Chinese people cannot retain the benefits nor relieve the suffering that has accompanied the recent economic reforms. Neither can China hope to progress towards a future of justice, equality, stability, and prosperity, nor can it dispel the doubts and reservations that nations around the world have regarding China’s future.

   Moreover, an article published in the Xinhua Daily on behalf of the Communist Politburo on February 25, 1939 has stated, “They (Kuomintang) think that democracy in China is something that belongs not to the present but somewhere in the distant future. Their hope is for the Chinese people to first elevate their knowledge and educational level to one comparable to the capitalist and democratic nations of the West before they can begin to implement democracy. Actually, it is precisely under a democratic system that people can be more easily trained and educated.” 

   Additionally, an article from the Xinhua Daily on behalf of the Communist Politburo on February 1 1944 has stated, “In order to maintain our international status, we must begin by guaranteeing the fundamental democratic rights of the people. Fear represents cowardice, doubt represents selfishness, and opposition represents backwardness. We urge once again: Guarantee the fundamental democratic rights of the people.

   On October 28, 1941, Liberation Daily published an article on behalf of the Communist Politburo, stating that “Right now, in order to establish a democratic political system, the key is to end a single-party government.”

   On April 19, 1944, Xinhua Daily stated on behalf of the Communist Politburo that “Democracy and freedom of speech are inseparable.”

   On February 2, 1944, Xinhua Daily once again stated on behalf of the Communist Politburo that “We must completely, fully, and effectively implement popular elections, so the people can realistically enjoy ‘popular’ and ‘equal’ right to election. With regards to the right to be elected, we must adhere to the words of Mr. Sun Yat-sen in that before every election, ‘we must guarantee that every person and organization from every locality has the right to vote and has the freedom to propose, publicize and discuss any policy propositions.’ This necessarily means that ‘we must guarantee that the people have the complete freedom of assembly, of speech, to publish, and to unionize’, otherwise, the so-called right to election is merely a right on paper.”

Therefore, at a point where the Chinese Communist Party has governed Mainland China for 57 years, at a point where economic reforms have been in practice for 28 years, at a point where the economy is growing but social conflict is also increasingly sharpening, immediately urging the Communist party to implement political change or reform is but a natural thing to do.

   Thus, we propose that:

   1. Beginning from 2007, Mainland China should implement five years of gradual political changes or reforms that will allow the completion of the initial objectives of political reform by 2011, which is the 100th anniversary of the founding of the Republic of China, the first republic in Asia. 

   2. The Chinese Communist Party should emulate the Nationalist Party (Kuomintang) and the Vietnamese Communist Party in holding multi-candidate elections for its General Secretary. Democratization should first begin from within the Chinese Communist Party itself.

   3. Beginning from June 1, 2007, after all necessary preparation, the People’s Congress should authorize the gradual release of all prisoners that have been arrested for political, ideological, speech, religious, minority rights and other reasons. Additionally, the government should also allow all political dissidents that are exiled overseas to return to their home country. 

   4. Under the condition that the Chinese Communist government has implemented point number 2, which permits the release of all political prisoners and prisoners of conscience, as well as allowing all overseas exiles to return to their home country, all Chinese political opposition factions, whether in China or abroad, will cease all political activities during the 2008 Olympics in Beijing, as a gesture of reciprocity.

   5. After more than a year of planning and preparations beginning from 2008, the Chinese Communist Party and all Chinese political opposition factions should collaborate in organizing and participating in the “Future of China Conference”, to be held in the fall of 2009 in Beijing. This conference should primarily focus on discussing the vital issues surrounding China’s political development and on charting China’s political direction. A “Constitutional Convention” will be subsequently convened in 2010 upon legitimate authorization by the “Future of China Conference”. 

   Local and overseas political opposition factions and the Chinese Communist Party will each begin to organize and establish a communication group, comprising approximately 20 members. Each group should encompass a sub-team responsible for researching the planning and implementation of political reforms prior to the conference in 2009. The sub-teams should also hold at least two open, honest and friendly discussions between the beginning of 2007 and the fall of 2008, allowing a full year before the 2009 “Future of China Conference”. Ideally, relevant authorities from the United Nations should be involved in the organization, mediation and supervision of these discussions, which will be conducted once in Mainland China and the other abroad, in order to make ample preparations for the topics, schedules and implementation of the conference itself. One of the starting points of discussion could be the return of exiled political dissidents. 

   The “Future of China Conference” should have no less than 100 representatives from the Chinese political opposition factions. These 100 representatives should be selected through negotiations among the different executive committees of the opposition groups. 

   6. Members of the Constitutional Convention should first make a public declaration to the Chinese people that they will never seek any form of “dominant authority” in the future.

   7. At the same time, the Chinese Communist Party should hold open, peaceful and constructive dialogues with the Taiwanese government and its other political parties, the Tibetan government in exile headed by the Dalai Lama, Falun Gong members, as well as the victims of the June 4th Tiananmen Incident. Their key representatives should be included in the 2009 “Future of China Conference” in Beijing.

   8. The legislative procedures of the “News Publication Law” should be completed no later than the beginning of 2009, henceforth allowing freedom of the press in Mainland China. 

   9. In 2009, one or two provinces, such as Fujian, Guangdong or Hainan, should be designated as Early Political Reform Provinces, allowing for the early implementation of the Freedom of the Press and Freedom of Association legislation in these areas. Direct elections at the county and city district levels should be held no later than 2010. Building upon the foundations of experience, direct elections should also be held at the provincial level in 2011. Direct elections for the Chief Executive of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region should be held in 2008. 

   10. The implementation of political reform in Mainland China should at least achieve these targets as mentioned below:

   (1) Any political organization, be it the Chinese Communist Party or any other political groups, must not build up their party apparatus or political organizations within the government’s administrative departments or upon the military might of the Chinese army. Under the stipulations of China’s “Political Organizations Law”, the Chinese Communist Party and other political groupings are entitled to equal access to political power and the right to fair competition. No one political party should enjoy privileged political status or power. 

   (2) It is only when a parliament arises out of popular, nation-wide elections by the people themselves can it be truly considered as vested with the nation’s highest authority. China’s premier must be selected either through direct or indirect elections by the Chinese people. 

   (3) A nationalized and neutral military force will be commanded by the democratically elected president of the country. With the exception of the commander-in-chief, no other official within the military is allowed to interfere with the political matters of the country; otherwise he will be most severely punished by military law. 

   (4) The country will continue to implement open market economic policies.

   (5) The country will not pursue regional supremacy and world hegemony, therefore allowing China to become an influential and responsible member of the international community. 

   (Revised 4/12-24/06)