许多被西方文明兽性化的砖家叫兽,哀嚎民主,看不见自由民主国家的政客,已经把民主国家玩完,人们努力工作,还是入不敷出。它们为了展示自己尊重价值和人权,让自己国民供养玩完母国到处流窜的移民,这种人,不能培养成合格劳工和守法公民,被当地人喂饱后如同警察巡街,本地人如同逃犯躲藏,还是被抢,被奸,被杀,既无人权,又无做人尊严。
香港大学徐成刚教授正在玩命地把中国推进此境地。这种被西方文明兽性化的砖家叫兽都是畜生啊。
中国能否在没有宪政的情况下保持持续稳定的增长?
2014 年 6 月 11 日
https://www.ceu.edu/article/2014-06-11/can-china-maintain-sustained-and-stable-growth-without-constitutionalism
香港大学徐成刚教授表示,中国改革发展正在迅速放缓,经济、政治和社会出现不稳定迹象。在传奇的天安门广场抗议活动 25 周年纪念日的前一天,徐教授思考了这个拥有 13 亿多人口的国家在没有功能性宪政的情况下还能坚持多久,包括限制政府权力的宪法规则、政治多元化和权力分立。
许志永曾是马克思主义和共产主义的狂热信徒,但最终因发表言论和参与被前中共主席毛泽东视为“革命”的活动而成为政治犯。他被单独监禁了 10 年,随后在条件极其恶劣的劳改营服刑。
香港大学许成刚教授谈论中国面临的经济和政治挑战。图片来源:CEU/Daniel Vegel
在 CEU 活动中,许志永的同事兼朋友、考文纽斯大学名誉教授、哈佛大学名誉经济学教授雅诺什·科尔奈 (Janos Kornai) 介绍了许志永。毛泽东去世后,许志永回到北京继续学业,最终考入哈佛大学。许志永的父亲是一位物理学家,曾将爱因斯坦的著作翻译成中文,他也是当局的目标。他被开除出共产党和中国科学院(他是该院的创始成员之一),并一直受到警方的监视,直到生命结束。
许志永指出,通过建立宪法规则来改革中国的政治和法律制度的必要性一直是一个热议话题,特别是在 2012 年中国共产党第十八次全国代表大会之前。许志永说,即使抛开人权和多元化等民主原则,那些只关心经济的人也有理由感到绝望。
“按 GDP 总量排名,今天的中国是世界第二大经济体,”许志永说。“然而,按人均 GDP 排名,中国比 1980 年代的苏联还要差。中国是一个相当贫穷的国家,人类发展指数 (HDI) 排名非常低,而且越来越差。”
徐教授指出,二战后,世界上所有发达经济体都是宪政民主国家,上个世纪几乎所有最重要的发明都来自民主国家。此外,经济发展专家徐教授指出,宪法规则是金融市场运作的先决条件。
“没有宪法规则,政府就会一再侵犯产权,”他说。“这是中国金融市场无法正常运作的关键原因。”
香港大学徐成刚教授建议采取可行的、和平的步骤在中国建立宪政制度。
缺乏产权带来的社会不稳定也是一个巨大的担忧。徐教授解释说,政府正在进行大规模的城市化,大片土地从农业用地转变为城市用地。“他们从农民手中夺取土地,将其转为国有,并将使用权出售给开发商(政府和开发商之间存在联盟)。他们赚取巨额利润,却压榨农民和城市居民——他们强行拆迁,迫使人们搬迁。”
反腐运动也因中国地方分权主义(RDA)的性质而失败,其特点是政治权力和个人控制权高度集中,行政权力和经济权力高度分散。作为这一制度的残余,任命的官僚只对其上司负责,而不对其选民负责。
许建议采取切实可行的和平步骤,实现宪政体制,包括从地方选举开始,建立一个民主的联邦国家;改善现有的乡镇选举;实施地方(市/省)选举;以及制定全国大选的时间表。
关于执政党的改革,许希望看到党内竞争派系制度化以及党内公开选举。他总结说,司法独立和私有财产权的确立对宪政和国家稳定也至关重要。
此次讲座由中欧大学公共政策学院 (SPP)、国际关系与欧洲研究系以及经济学系赞助。
Can China Maintain Sustained and Stable Growth Without Constitutionalism?
China is experiencing a rapid slowdown in reform and development and showing signs of economic, political, and societal instability, according to Professor Chenggang Xu of the University of Hong Kong. On the day before the 25th anniversary of the now legendary Tiananmen Square protests, Xu considered how long the country of over 1.3 billion can go on without functional constitutionalism, including constitutional rules that confine the power of the government, political pluralism, and separation of powers.
Xu, once an ardent believer in Marxism and communism, ultimately became a political prisoner after making remarks and participating in activities that authorities under China's former Communist Chairman Mao Zedong saw as “revolutionary.” He spent 10 years in solitary confinement, followed by a sentence in a labor camp under very harsh conditions,
noted Xu's colleague and friend, Janos Kornai, professor emeritus, Corvinus University and Allie S. Freed professor of economics emeritus, Harvard University, who introduced him at the CEU event. After the death of Mao, Xu returned to Beijing to continue his studies and ultimately attended Harvard. Xu's father, a physicist who translated Einstein into Chinese, was also a target of the regime who, after expulsion from the communist party, and the Chinese Academy of Sciences (of which he was a founding member), remained under police surveillance until the end of his life.
Xu noted that the necessity of reforming China's political and legal institutions by establishing the constitutional rule has been a hotly debated issue, particularly right before the 18th National Congress of the Communist Party of China in 2012. Even setting aside democratic tenets such as human rights and pluralism, Xu said those who care only about the economy also have reason to despair.
“Ranked by total GDP, today's China is the second largest economy in the world,” Xu said. “However, by per capita GDP ranking, China is worse than USSR in the 1980s. China is a fairly poor nation with a very poor Human Development Index (HDI) ranking that is getting worse and worse.”
In the post-WW II world, all the developed economies in the world are constitutional democracies, Xu stated, and almost all of the most important inventions in last century came from democratic countries. In addition, Xu, a specialist in economic development, pointed out that constitutional rules are a precondition for functioning financial markets.
“Without constitutional rule, the government violates property rights repeatedly,” he said. “This is the key reason the Chinese financial market doesn't work.”
Social instability brought on by the lack of property rights is a huge concern as well. Xu explained that the government engages in large-scale urbanization in which huge areas are being converted from agricultural to urban use. “They grab the land from peasants and convert to state ownership and sell use rights to developers (there is a coalition between the government and the developers). They make large profits but they squeeze both the peasants and the urban citizens – they force demolition and people have to move.”
Anti-corruption campaigns have also failed because of the nature of China's Regionally Decentralized Authoritarianism (RDA), characterized by highly centralized political and personal control power and highly decentralized administration and economic powers. A remnant of this system, appointed bureaucrats are only accountable to their bosses, not to their constituencies.
Xu recommended feasible, peaceful steps toward a constitutional system, including aiming at a democratic federal state, starting from local elections; improving existing village/town elections; implementing local (municipality/provincial) elections; and a timetable for general national election.
Regarding reform of the ruling party, Xu would like to see an institutionalization of competing factions of the party as well as open elections within the party. Judicial independence and the establishment of private property rights are also of utmost importance to a constitutional government and national stability, he concluded.
The lecture was sponsored by CEU's School of Public Policy (SPP), the Department of International Relations and European Studies, and the Department of Economics.